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Statement of the Prisons & Corrections Section
Restoration of Earned Sentence Credits For
Prisoners
Disclosure
pursuant to Administrative Order 2004-1: The
Prisons and Corrections Section is a voluntary
section of the State Bar, not the State Bar
itself. The position expressed here is that of
the Section. The State Bar has no position on
the restoration of earned sentence credits for
prisoners. The Prisons and Corrections Section
has a membership of approximately 140. The
Section’s governing body, a Council elected by
the membership, is composed of 15 voting
members. This policy position was adopted,
after due notice, at a meeting of the Section’s
Council on March 21, 2009. The vote was 12
yes, 0 no, 0 abstention.
Position
In 1998, Michigan
enacted legislation, known as “truth in
sentencing”, which requires that all prisoners
serve every day of their minimum sentences,
thereby prohibiting any form of earned credit
for good conduct, work or participation in
treatment, academic or vocational programs. It
is the position of the State Bar Prisons and
Corrections Section that a system of earned
sentence credits should be restored. This
system should be given immediate effect and
applied, prospectively, to all prisoners
currently serving indeterminate sentences who
are not already eligible for earned credits
because of their conviction dates, as well as to
everyone sentenced to an indeterminate term in
the future. It is further the position of the
Section that judges should be required to place
on the record at sentencing the extent to which
earned credits may affect the service of the
minimum sentence.
Summary of Findings
The Section’s
position is based on the following findings:
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There is no
evidence that permitting earned credits
presents a risk to public safety.
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There are
alternate means of promoting transparency in
sentencing.
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Permitting
earned credits is a common correctional
practice nationally and on the county level
in Michigan.
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The
opportunity to earn sentence credits
provides a significant incentive to
prisoners who currently are penalized for
misconduct but rarely rewarded for positive
efforts.
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Permitting
earned credits does not require the release
of any particular prisoner, make
institutional management more difficult or
interfere with the discretion of the parole
board. On the contrary, it provides the
Department of Corrections with a useful tool
for managing institutional behavior and
promoting participation in rehabilitative
programs.
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The
restoration of earned credits would
significantly help reduce the prison
population and save taxpayers tens of
millions of dollars
Analysis
History
For decades,
Michigan, like most states, granted prisoners
generous amounts of credit for good behavior,
commonly referred to as “good time.” Regular
good time was awarded on a progressive basis.
The number of days per month increased with the
number of calendar years served. By the 20th
year, regular good time could equal 15 days a
month. In addition, special good time could be
awarded in amounts up to half the regular
credit. Thus, a 40- year minimum could be served
in fewer than 16 years.
In 1978, the
voters amended the Michigan Constitution to
prohibit the award of good time to reduce the
minimum sentence. The actual time a defendant
would have to serve on a given minimum increased
from 30-300%, depending on the amount of good
time that might have been earned.
By 1982, it became
apparent that the elimination of good time was
contributing to increasingly overcrowded
prisons. Therefore, the legislature restored a
limited amount of good conduct credit in the
form of five regular and two special
disciplinary credit days per month, or up to 84
days a year. Because some people were not
eligible to earn disciplinary credits and others
forfeited credits for misconduct, on average,
Michigan prisoners served 88 percent of their
judicially imposed minimum sentences.
In the 1990s, the
federal government began encouraging “truth in
sentencing” by conditioning the award of federal
prison construction funds to the states on the
requirement that violent offenders serve
85 percent of their sentences. The federal
system itself permits sentence reductions of up
to 15 percent. Because Michigan already met the
standard, it was awarded $33 million in federal
VOI/TIS (Violent Offender Initiative/Truth in
Sentencing) funds in 1997.
Nonetheless, in
1998, Michigan prospectively eliminated
disciplinary credits and required all prisoners
to serve 100 percent of their minimum
sentences. The consequence was to lengthen the
time served by everyone, regardless of the
nature of their offenses, whose good
conduct in prison would otherwise have allowed
them to earn modest amounts of credit. For
instance, a five-year minimum sentence that
could have been served in four years and one
month with disciplinary credits now requires
every day of five years.
When
truth-in-sentencing was first proposed in 1994,
the MDOC estimated that the elimination of
disciplinary credits would require 2,268 beds
within 10 years. Data about the accuracy of
that projection is not available. However, the
Citizens Alliance on Prisons and Public Spending
(CAPPS) estimates that if the average sentence
of 7.5 years was reduced to 6.1 years and 3,000
people who earned the maximum amount of
disciplinary credits (84 days per year) were
released when they first became eligible, the
savings would exceed $100 million.
Proponents of the
change did not assert that it would increase
public safety. The purpose was to ensure that
victims and the general public have a clear
understanding of what a sentence actually means.
Public Safety
No evidence has
been presented that either awarding earned
credits poses any risk to public safety. By
definition, such incentives are available only
to those people who earn them by positive
conduct. The average minimum sentence in
Michigan in 2005 was 7.5 years. There is no
basis for believing that if people actually
served, on average, 6.4 years, crime rates would
be impacted.
In fact, a
substantial body of research indicates that
keeping people incarcerated longer does not
reduce recidivism and may actually increase it.
For instance, in 1999, Gendreau, Goggin and
Cullen conducted a meta-analysis that included
23 studies of the impact of more versus less
time in prison.
In 2002, Smith, Goggin and Gendreau published a
follow-up meta-analysis that included 26
additional studies.
Neither analysis found any deterrent effect. On
the contrary, longer length of stay was
associated with a small increase in recidivism.
Song and Lieb
reviewed four studies of whether, after
controlling for other factors, length of
sentence affects recidivism.
Overall, either there was no substantial
relationship between time served and recidivism
rates or rates increased with longer sentences.
Three studies of early release programs
undertaken to relieve prison overcrowding in
California, Washington State and Illinois
concluded that releasing people anywhere from
3.5 to 6 months before their scheduled parole
dates did not increase recidivism.
Most recently,
Washington State researchers analyzed the impact
of increasing the amount of earned release
credits available to certain prisoners.
In Washington, those convicted of violent and
sex offenses could earn up to 15 percent off
their sentences and non-violent offenders could
earn 33 percent. In 2003, the law was changed
to increase potential earned time to 50 percent
for selected offenders, while decreasing it to
10 percent for violent and sex offenses. The
researchers concluded:
We find that the
law has no statistically significant effect on
violent criminal recidivism, while we estimate a
statistically significant decrease for
non-violent crimes. Overall, 39 percent of
offenders released under the new law are
convicted for a new felony within three years
compared with 42 percent of offenders prior to
the law’s enactment.
Since the
implementation of the new law, offenders spend
an average of 63 fewer days in prison, resulting
in an average cost savings of $6,155 per
person. Due to the estimated reduction in
felony crime, we also calculate benefits of
$4,588 per person for future crimes avoided and
taxpayer costs saved – a total savings of
$10,743 per offender.
Transparency
As its colloquial
name suggests, the purpose of “truth in
sentencing” is transparency in the criminal
justice process. However, this can be achieved
without the high fiscal and social costs of
lengthening time served. One method is to have
the judge state on the record at sentencing how
much credit the defendant might be able to earn.
The State of New Jersey has a court rule
entitled “Statement of Estimated Real Time to be
Served” that requires the sentencing judge to do
just that.
Common
Correctional Practices
Other
Jurisdictions. While no systematic survey
of every state is available, most have some form
of earned credit. Some have multiple types of
credit and some still award very generous
amounts, especially for nonviolent offenders.
For example:
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Illinois has
differing amounts of statutory good time for
nonviolent and violent offenses, as well as
meritorious good time, supplemental
meritorious good time and earned good
conduct credit for program participation.
While people convicted of murder must serve
100 percent of their determinate sentences,
those convicted of other violent crimes must
serve 85 percent and those convicted of
nonviolent crimes must serve only 50
percent.
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Depending on
how they are classified, Indiana prisoners
can earn as much as one day of credit for
each day served.
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Depending on
their classification, Texas prisoners can
earn up to 25 days of good conduct credit
and 15 days of diligent participation credit
per 30 days served.
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New Jersey
awards four months per year of commutation
credits, one day of work credit for every 5
days worked and five days per month of
minimum custody credit in every year after
the first.
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The Florida
system includes basic gain time, meritorious
gain time and incentive gain time.
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California
gives worktime credit of six months for each
six months of full-time work. Prisoners who
do not have a full-time assignment available
may earn up to four months reduction for
each eight months served.
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While
Minnesota and Wisconsin, both determinate
sentencing states, do not award disciplinary
credits, they have a presumption of release
after a portion of the sentence has been
served. Absent institutional misconduct,
Minnesota prisoners are placed on supervised
release after serving two-thirds of their
sentence; Wisconsin prisoners must spend at
least 25 percent of their sentences in
community supervision, absent misconduct.
(For more detail,
see
www.balancingourpriorities.org.)
Increasing the
availability of earned credit has become a
common way for states to control spiraling
prison populations. Just since 2003, Colorado,
Iowa, Kentucky, Mississippi, Rhode Island and
Washington have all adjusted their earned credit
systems to reduce the length of stay of at least
some categories of offenders. Rhode Island,
with approximately 4,000 total prisoners,
expects to save $8 billion over five years.
Michigan
Counties. Under MCL 51.282, Michigan’s
sheriffs are authorized to award jail inmates
one day of good time for each six days of the
sentence. Sheriffs routinely use that authority
to help control county jail populations and
promote compliance with jail regulations. As a
result, a person convicted of felonious assault
who receives a year in the county jail can earn
54 days of credit. If the same person receives
a prison term with a one year minimum, he or she
can earn no credit. There is no apparent
rationale for viewing earned credits as
“untruthful” when applied to prison sentences
but not to jail sentences.
Prisoner
Incentives
In Michigan, while
misconduct is quickly punished, there are
virtually no rewards for positive achievements.
Opponents of earned credits suggest that
prisoners are supposed to behave appropriately
and participate in programs and that they should
not be rewarded for merely doing what is
expected of them. However, that position runs
counter to common knowledge about learning and
behavior modification. Adults, children and
animals all respond better to positive
reinforcement than to punishment. We expect
children to earn good grades and employees to do
their jobs, but we still reward children who
bring home good report cards and give merit
raises to employees who do their jobs well.
Prisoners are
incarcerated because they failed to meet
societal expectations, often despite receiving
plenty of punishment throughout their lives. If
one goal of incarceration is rehabilitation,
opportunities for positive reinforcement are
needed. Because of security concerns, these
opportunities are very limited in the prison
environment. Release is, of course, the
ultimate incentive. Earned credits can play a
meaningful part in encouraging prisoners to
behave responsibly, work hard at prison jobs,
engage in treatment and complete academic and
vocational programs that will ultimately benefit
not only them but the communities to which they
return.
Rationale for Section Position
Since earned
credits merely give the parole board
jurisdiction sooner, they do not require that
any particular prisoner be released. In the
absence of evidence that reductions in the
length of time served increase recidivism to any
extent, earned credits can only have a positive
impact.
They serve to
reinforce desirable behavior by prisoners and
provide corrections personnel with an additional
management tool. They can play a significant
role in reducing the prisoner population and,
thus, the corrections budget.
Earned credits are
routinely awarded by many states, the federal
prison system, and sheriffs in all 83 Michigan
counties. It is not reasonable to assume that
all these entities are somehow “untruthful” and
that eliminating all earned credits is the only
way to keep the sentencing process transparent.
Requiring sentencing judges to place on the
record a statement of the maximum amount of
credit the defendant may be able to earn is a
viable, cost-free alternative.
Eligibility for
earned credits should begin with current
prisoners, as opposed to just those sentenced in
the future. While it may be unduly complicated
to calculate earned credits for time already
served, there is no reason they cannot be earned
by current prisoners going forward.
Since earned credits affect parole eligibility
but do not change the actual sentence, there
would be no violation of separation of powers.
If this approach is justifiable and beneficial,
it should be given effect as soon as possible.
To the extent that it only results in
cost-savings once someone has reached their
earliest release date, it is important to start
the accumulation of credits as soon as possible
in order not to delay potential fiscal benefits
more than necessary.
Smith, Paula, Goggin, Claire and
Gendreau, Paul, The Effects of Prison
Sentences and Intermediate Sanctions on
Recidivism: General Effects and
Individual Differences, Ottawa:
Solicitor General of Canada (2002). The
authors note that even slight increases
in recidivism can be very costly when
they occur on a large scale and suggest
that excessive incarceration may be
fiscally irresponsible for that reason.
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